Interview with Dr Asia Saif Alvi — a dynamic young political analyst
[box type=”shadow” align=”” class=”” width=””]Profile:
Dr Asia Saif Alvi is a dynamic young political analyst from Lahore. After finishing her school and college education, she went to Islamabad for Masters from Quaid-e-Azam University. After doing her Masters, she joined a local college in Lahore for teaching. Simultaneously, she got admission to Government College University Lahore for her MPhil in the political science department. Meanwhile, she quit her college job and started working at the Virtual University of Pakistan in 2009. After doing her MPhil, she enrolled in the PhD program at Punjab University. While doing her PhD, she worked as a Lecturer in the UET Taxila for one year in 2012 and then moved to Lahore College of Women University.
After six months, she got selected as an assistant professor in the Department of Politics and IR at the University of Sargodha in 2013. At the University of Sargodha, she has attended more than a dozen National and International conferences. The University of Sargodha, where she is currently serving, sent her to China in 2017 for a teaching diploma. She has written more than a dozen research articles in Pakistan’s renowned journals. She is HEC approved supervisor in the field of Social Sciences. Currently, she is the Head of the Department as well.[/box]
PAKISTAN & GULF ECONOMIST had an exclusive conversation with Dr Asia Saif Alvi about Quaid’s Vision of a Federal State. Excerpts of the conversation are as follows:
Quaid’s Vision of a Federal State: A Dream or A Reality?
The term “federalism” is derived from a Latin word “Feodus” meaning a treaty or an agreement. It is evident that there is always a balance of power between the parties entered into the agreement; therefore, it is right to say that federalism meant to adjust the power distribution within a state. The adjustment of powers in a state is not a modern innovation. Federalism itself is a political theory, as well as a political technique, antagonistic to unitarism it is based on the principle of relatively and not on that of isolation, it proceeds from the principle of empiricism and not from that of priorism.
Thoughts of Muhammad Ali Jinnah about the merits and demerits of federal system had already developed. The period of political struggle in the subcontinent can be divided into different parts, but two parts of them are so important. One part belongs to that era which starts from the beginning of Muslim League and lasts till the election of 1937. This election was held under the India Act 1935 with the principle of separate electorate and provincial autonomy. The Second part starts from Lahore Resolution and ends in the independence of Pakistan 1947. One part of Lahore Resolution declared the division of India inevitable for the solution of Indian democratic problems. Federal constitution was discussed in Lahore resolution in which the terms of sovereignty were included. In this resolution, it was clearly pointed out that some affairs such as defense, foreign affairs, communications, customs etc., were essential for the central government. After some time, Gandhi-Jinnah talks took place and this attempt made the Indian federation successful to establish a durable government. In an interview with APA (Associated Press of America) he talked about the ideology of Pakistan, according to the ideology of Pakistan it is guaranteed that federal units of national government will be completely autonomous like in Canada, USA and Australia. But some major powers of federal responsibilities such as coinage, and national defense will be entrusted to the federal government
Keeping these circumstances in view, Muhammad Ali Jinnah and other Muslim leaders frightened to live in All India Federation. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a great champion of the regional autonomy. That is why he played a key role in the expedition of separating Sindh from Bombay. But he was not ready to accept the dominance of Hindus. He opposed the Nehru report for only that the Centre was made strong by giving more powers. With the strength of Centre in it, provincial autonomy could be abolished. After the establishment of Pakistan, the Centre started to interfere in the matters of those units which laid the foundation of the federation of Pakistan. Provincial autonomy could be seen in the Frontier province and Sindh province. Only due to this, making the Centre strong was the need of the time. India, which assimilated many states. It did not admit the existence of Pakistan virtually. That is why on any pretense, it wanted to assimilate Pakistan by receiving instruction from the Centre. Muhammad Ali Jinnah himself was a great supporter of regional autonomy. But the country was surrounded by hostile countries. Therefore, strong Centre was the need of the time. Actually, spirit of Pakistan federation could be displayed, but after the sudden death of Jinnah, rulers never considered it. After the establishment of Pakistan, the office of governor general of Pakistan was given to Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Till that time, the words which Jinnah used about the constitution of Pakistan, they were in the reference of a federal form of government. But after becoming the governor general, he gave the responsibility of enacting the constitution of Pakistan to the legislature. That is why disciplinarian Jinnah did not like that he would impose his opinion on others. This right was handed over to the legislature. Though, he avoided to say anything about the future constitution of Pakistan. His speeches and statements were reflective of this thing that he only liked federal constitution whose grounds were dependent on Islamic principles. The way MAJ wanted to see the state of Pakistan, he made clear in his presidential address on August 11, 1947 before the constituent assembly.
“You are free to go to their mosques, their temples and other worship places. You have full freedom in Pakistan whether you belong to any caste or religion. We all are equal citizens of this country. You will see after some time, neither Hindu will be called Hindu nor Muslim will be called Muslim. Not in respect of religion and creed but politically you will be citizens of the country and you will be equal citizens and patriots.”
If the speech in constituent assembly is compared with his previous speeches, it is known that this speech does neither negate the old concept nor support the secular state in place of the religious state, he differentiates between an Islamic state and a theocratic state. The Centre of his thoughts did not revolve around two extreme boundaries/limits but the real Centre of his thoughts is the difference between a theocratic state and an Islamic one. It would not be correct to consider his speech in constituent assembly separate from the reference of his previous speeches explanation of the future of Pakistan as is found in an interview of Jinnah which he gave to associated press of America on 8th November 1945. MAJ said that politically Pakistan will be democratic and it will be an Islamic state as the Muslims belong here.
But there would not be any social hindrance against anyone. The Muslims are those people who believe in the fundamental principles of human equality as well as fraternity and act upon them. The ideology of Pakistan provided security. Autonomy was to be given to the units of national government as in the constitution of America, Canada, and Australia. Some major powers like system of currency, national defense, and other responsibilities of the federation were to be entrusted to the central government. Every federal unit or province were to have its own legislature. All three branches of executive and judicial system of government were to be constitutionally separate. The reality clarifies that the real spirit of federation has not been given a proper place in the constitutional structures. The nature of constitutional structures and schemes has been made federal but practically they have been promoting unitary form of government.
According to the analysis of my research, the main reason of financial and political instability, constitutional crisis and lack of peace is that in the federation of Pakistan, in the new schemes and all the constitutions, the center takes precedence over provinces’ legislation, financial matters and administrative affairs. Summing up, as I would like to think the federalism in Pakistan has been a maxim since 1947. The standards of genuine federalism, which filled in as the foundation for the formation of Pakistan in the Lahore Resolution of 1940, have not been elevated to set up a solid national government. Finally, Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s words seem as appropriate as they did in 1948:
“There are great tasks to be accomplished and great danger to overcome: overcome them we certainly shall, but we shall do so much quicker of our solidarity remains unimpaired and if our determination to march forward as a single united nation remains unshaken. This is the only way in which we can raise Pakistan rapidly and surely to its proper worthy place in the community of nations.”